Small step or giant leap?: What happened when the WA Liberals looked in the mirror
After two devastating election defeats and a damning report that found the WA Liberals were nearing oblivion, this weekend’s state conference was billed as a do-or-die turning point for the party.
Held at the Pan Pacific hotel in the Perth CBD the stage, adorned with an enormous Australian flag and backlit with the Liberal blue, was set for a bloody factional war. But the anticipated fireworks ended up being no more than a few sparks.
The WA Liberal Party’s new parliamentary leader David Honey.Credit:Peter de Kruijff
Controversial proposed changes to preselection practices not expected to reach the 75 per cent super majority needed to pass ended up flying through with minimal opposition.
After a year of dithering following the release of the Road to Reform report the party says it has heeded the message from the public and is intent on regaining the trust and interest of the voting public.
But is it enough for the party to confidently tell voters the incessant issues of powerbroking and dud candidates have been resolved?
What changes were passed?
Conference delegates passed a record number of constitutional reforms on the weekend, with the bulk of those taken care of by Saturday afternoon.
These included clamping down on the main drivers of branch stacking and branch bombing such as payments for multiple memberships and bulk branch membership transfers.
But the highest profile amendment of the conference was the move to a “hybrid-plebiscite” model to select lower house candidates.
The model gives all branch members that live in the geographical area the power to vote in candidate preselections alongside a committee of delegates of people who live outside the branch.
It will replace the current model where candidates are preselected by a panel made up of delegates selected by branch members.
A powerbroker’s primary goal is to have their people preselected for elections and it was these preselection panels that were easily manipulated by factional groups through techniques such as branch stacking, including the alliance of powerbrokers known as “The Clan”.
The hybrid model proposal put to the conference was the litmus test for how serious the Liberals are about cleaning up their act and weakening the grip of powerbrokers on the party.
There were concerns the amendment would not reach the 75 per cent vote needed because it did not have support from a group of party veterans and their supporters known as the Liberal Reform Coalition.
In the weeks leading up to the conference the LRC, lead by former Barnett government ministers Norman Moore and Mike Nahan, said the amendment did not go far enough and would still allow powerbrokers to ply their trade within the party.
Concerns about the numbers were proven to be unfounded.
While further amendments put to the floor to lessen the voting power of delegates were struck down, the hybrid model soared through with an overwhelming majority of 92 per cent.
WA Liberal leader David Honey, who is one of only two lower house MP Liberals left in WA parliament after the 2021 state election, lauded his party for passing the amendment.
“To get a 93 per cent majority for the plebiscite motion was just outstanding affirmation that the party is serious about change, serious about listening to the message that the community has sent us loud and clear, and that is that we need to reset and I think this marks the beginning of that reset,” he said.
Most conference attendees WAtoday spoke to on the condition of anonymity welcomed the vote but opinion varied on whether it was a small step or a giant leap.
One attendee said it was an important day for the party that would see people from all walks of life find their way into candidate positions.
Another attendee said the changes were written to reduce media interest and subdue unrest and while it was a step in the right direction, most members wanted more.
Party president Richard Wilson said the changes ensured members of local branches would not be beholden to powerbrokers.
“By enfranchising over 5000 local members across the party its going to be much more difficult for powerbrokers and groups to control preselection,” he said.
What still needs to be done?
Wilson spent 11 gruelling months consulting all corners of the Liberals after the Road to Reform report was released in August last year to come up with the hybrid model, but even he acknowledged there was more work to be done.
Factional power also manifests in decision-making bodies and committees of the state party.
Wilson said the internal matters and composition of governance bodies of the party would be looked at.
“Just to make sure they’re doing the things we need them to do, and they’re represented by the right people,” he said.
Another particularly contentious area of reform will be how upper house candidates are selected.
The party must reform this section of its constitution ahead of the 2025 state election anyway after the McGowan government abolished regional representation and forced a statewide ticket.
However, the upper house is where senior Clan members Peter Collier and Nick Goiran reside and it is a breeding ground for factional power plays in both the Labor and Liberal parties.
In an opinion piece published before the conference last week, WA senator Dean Smith said the plebiscite model needed to be extended to upper house preselection.
Just how committed the party is to reform will become clearer when this issue is addressed.
Honey said the party would likely end up with a new preselection model that “broadens the base” but there were lots of discussions ahead before something was adopted.
There is also the matter of recriminations for party members who have been found to have breached party rules or the Associations Incorporation Act, which a recent independent audit received by the party suggested has happened extensively.
So far, the party has yet to publicly address any of these claims.
How will success be measured?
Ultimately, the Liberal party’s success in its reform will be measured in the quality of its candidates.
When election time rolls around it is those people plucked from the depths of the parties, often by powerbrokers, and thrust into the spotlight.
If they stuff up it can have devastating consequences.
The 2021 state campaign was marred with candidate controversies including one Clan-supported candidate who had taken to the internet the year before espousing baseless conspiracy theories that 5G was connected to the spread of COVID-19.
The quality of the people being put forward to the public is an increasing source of criticism for the Liberals.
Honey’s name also gets bandied about as a missed opportunity for generational change in the seat of Cottesloe.
He won preselection for the seat thanks to the backing of the Liberals’ Curtin division, however, he beat out BHP corporate lawyer Emma Roberts, who was backed by the Clan but was regarded by many outside that group as a future party leader.
Wilson said the preselection changes put the party on a good footing to attract good candidates.
“These changes show if you are a person that shares our values you have a chance of winning preselection,” he said.
“The result isn’t fixed, you will have a realistic chance of winning, so people of capability should volunteer and get involved in the party.”
Wilson said another priority of his was to create a system to identify good quality candidates provide them with training and advise them on how to win preselections.
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